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[Tempatan]
Mahathir, Ku Li, Muhyiddin tampil bersama isu 1MDB. Update #34 #44 #49 #50
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Untuk macai2 penjilat cirit kat montot Bikan, op koz la yg belah kanan tuh.....
Patung yg belah kanan tuh lagik tinggi darjat nya bading yg tengah tuh tawwwwwwwwwwwww.....
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bukan ker kena ada pencalunan dulu? so siapa yang bagi calun? bukan ketua2 dulu ka?
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amboi kau macit... sampai tiga kali qoute post aku ... 
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I bersetuju in clipping the royalties wings, one of Dr M's better decisions. I ws indicating generally what is under the executive legistaion
But I do blame Dr M in cripling the judiciary which started when Tun Salleh Abbas was sacked in 1988 after the constitution crisis. Dr M has made good decisions and bad decisions. I look at it as a general overview :-)
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nope.
kat perak rakyat dah pilih pakatan
pon kene guling dgn askar fasola.
terpaksa dewan bersidang bawah pokok.
jelas, rakyat takde kuasa halang askar2 dan menteri fasola.
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ostolia dan jipun tempoh 5 thun da cantas berapa perdana menteri pun lagi maju dari mesia pemerintahan umno |
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itu mmg org dah sedia taw.. |
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madey kena mengaku salah dulu.....mintak maaf kepada semua orang yang dia pernah aniaya dulu guna ISA...
baru lah orang percaya kat dia....
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Kalau dulu ada kuota, hanya ribu perwakilan yg terlibat dlm pemilihan Presiden UMNO.
Tapi sistem Sekarang, ratus ribu ahli UMNO terlibat dalam pemilihan Presiden UMNO.
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sentap macai2 PKR bila aku kata avengers2 tua tu bukan nak selamatkan Malaysia pun.. depa nak selamatkan perut dan kroni depa ja.. drp pilih avengers tua and kuciwa tu or pembangkang, haku rela stick dgn apa yg ada skrg.. |
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Kenapa perlu kaitkan dgn tun m sekarang? Yg dah makan billion tu pm so kena fokus tentang ape yg dia sedang buat sekarang. Kalau asyik dok fokus pasal tun je nanti orang tu rasa tak bersalah pulak |
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Mentality macai2 Bijan kepit & Nek Mah bonsai kemetot memang lawak.....
Tak perrrrrrrrrr katanya coz pemimpin dolu2 pun buat salah....
Gitteewwwwwwwww.....
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On Tun Salleh Abbas
Dr M has wrote his full explanation about his dismissal can check at his blog
None of these is true. Tun Salleh had not been biased against the Government. He dismissed the application by Lim Kit Siang in the case involving UEM and the Government, for an interim injunction made by a lower court in a lengthy judgement made by him as President of the Supreme Court. In numerous other cases his judgement favoured the Government. As to the panel to hear the appeal against Judge Harun Hashim’s findings, a bigger panel could actually be good for UMNO, which wanted nothing more than the validation of the election results making me President and Ghafar Baba Deputy President. Whether
the panel rejects or approves Judge Harun’s decision, UMNO and UMNO Baru would not be affected.
6. The truth is that the case against Tun Salleh was triggered by his letters to the Yang di Pertuan Agong which were considered by the Agong as being highly improper and insulting to him.
7. In his first letter Tun Salleh had written to DYMM YDP Agong complaining about the noise made during some
repair work at the Agong’s palace near Salleh’s house.
8. This alone can be considered as very improper. A man as senior as he was could have asked to see the Agong and verbally informed him about the
noise.
9. But to compound the act of les majesté he sent copies of his letter to the other rulers. This implied that he did not have faith in the Agong and wanted the other Rulers to apply pressure on him.
10. This was followed by another letter to DYMM YDP Agong complaining about the behaviour of the executive i.e. the Prime Minister. Copies of this letter were also sent to the other Rulers.
11. In this letter Tun Salleh said inter alia, “All of us (the judges) are disappointed with the various comments and accusations made by the
Prime Minister against the judiciary not only outside but inside Parliament.”
12. He went on to say in his letter “the accusations and comments have brought shame to all of us and left us mentally disturbed to the extent of being unable to discharge our functions orderly and properly.”
13. He asserted that he and all the judges “do not like to reply to the accusations publicly because such action is not compatible with our position as judges under the Constitution …. And as such it is only proper for us to be patient in the interest of the nation.”
14. This statement was obviously untrue as before the letter was sent, in a speech at the University of Malaya when he was receiving his honorary doctorate, he complained about “the judiciary being placed in the social service category” inferring that this was not in keeping with “the rule of law”
and that the “priority of the courts should be altered so that freedom is guaranteed and work is not disturbed.”
15. He went on to say “the officers of the public service (i.e. judges) do not have a lesser role and function to play than the roles played by the
politicians.”
16. Further he said, “This matter becomes aggravated if the rights involved in a decision made by an official are related to judicial matters because this will result in a very important question that is interference with the independence of the judiciary.”
17. Again when making a speech at the launching of a book “Law, Justice and the Judiciary, Transnational Trends” Tun Salleh had said, among other things, “The vital constitutional principle is so settled that no question should really arise concerning the position of the judiciary under the Constitution. But recently this guardianship has been made an issue and our independence appears to be under some kind of threat.” He added, “This is amply borne out by some
of the comments made recently which embarrassed the judiciary a great deal. These remarks not only question our neutrality and independence
but the very value of it as an institution ….. Our responsibility of deciding the case without fear or favour …. does not mean that the court decision should be in favour of the Government all the time…….”
18. “Apart from this,” he continued, “the problem of maintaining judicial independence is further complicated by the fact that the judiciary is the weakest of all the three branches of the Government.”
19. “What matters most in order to enable us to save the system from disastrous consequences is that we judges must act with responsibility
and dignity and not be drawn or tempted into an impulsive action which could only result in aggravating the situation.”
20. These two speeches were delivered on 1st August 1987 and 12th January 1988 respectively. But Tun Salleh’s letter to the King was dated 26th March
1988. As I pointed out earlier it is not true that he did not speak about his accusations against the Government in public because he
maintains that “such action is not compatible with our position as judges under the Constitution” and that “it is only proper for us to be
patient in the interest of the nation.”
21. All his statements in these two speeches clearly contain his criticisms of the Prime Minister and the Government long before he wrote his letter to the King.
22. Another point raised in his letter to the Agong is that “the accusations and comments have brought shame to all of us (judges) and left us mentally disturbed to the extent of being unable to discharge our functions orderly and properly.”
23. In Section 125 of the Federal Constitution, under clause (3) the grounds for removing a judge, apart from misbehaviour include infirmity of body or mind or any other cause, properly to discharge the functions of his office.”
24. By his own admission Tun Salleh was not able “to discharge his functions orderly and properly.” He was therefore unfit to continue to
be a judge.
25. Section 125, Clause 4 provides for “the Yang di Pertuan Agong to appoint a Tribunal …. and refer the representations to it, and may on the recommendation of the tribunal remove the judge from office.”
26. The two letters from Tun Salleh were regarded by the Agong as being highly improper and insulting particularly the copies sent to the other Rulers.
you could read the rest of it at his blog link below
http://chedet.cc/?p=79
cheers bro 
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Asal ada Tun M, musti macai sibuk2 ungkit silap beliau dolu2, eh sedar2lah itu semua benda lepas, orang kena tengok ke depan, bukan duk ungkit kisah lama, macam mana nak maju kalo duk tengok belakang je...
Nak maju kena tengok depan... |
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Dulu orang UMNO di Penang sibuk kata Lim Guan Eng sebagai Tua Pek Kong atau Tok Kong, sekarang balasan secara CASH yang dialami oleh Najib juga berperangai lebih dari Tua Pek Kong atau Tok Kong, huhu... Bah kata Tun M, kini ahli UMNO siapa yang berani cakap pasal 1MDB atau Najib, akan ditangkap dan didakwa.... ini dipanggil Maha Tua Pek Kong atau Maha Tok kong... |
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pasal ops lalang ka ?
The crackdown happened against a backdrop in late 1986 and 1987 of a split within UMNO into two opposing groups, commonly referred to as Team A led by Mahathir, and Team B led by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah and Musa Hitam. Mahathir was challenged for the leadership and narrowly won, but faced a subsequent legal challenge on his win.
There were also attacks by the government on several non-governmental organizations (NGO) which were critical of various government policies. Mahathir called these "intellectual elites" as "tools of foreign powers" and saboteurs of democracy.
In addition, a number of race and religion-related issues had arisen which had a cumulative effect in raising ethnic tension. These included the switch to Malay language as a medium of instruction for optional courses in the departments of Chinese and Tamil studies at the University of Malaya, the use of Chinese characters in certain signboards, the questioning by MCA's Lee Kim Sai over the use of the term pendatang (immigrants) that was seen as challenging Malay's bumiputra status, as well as rumours of forced conversion to or from Islam.
Vernacular Chinese school personnel controversy
The immediate cause, however, was the Ministry of Education's decision to appoint some 100 senior assistants and supervisors to Chinese-medium primary schools. Concerns were raised by Chinese politicians and organizations that those appointed were Chinese who were not Chinese-educated, implying that students and parents might be forced to use English or Malay to communicate with the school personnel. Chinese educationalist groups contended that the move would limit the usage of Chinese in the schools.
On 11 October 1987, a 2,000-strong gathering was held by the United Chinese School Committees Association of Malaysia (UCSCAM, the association of Chinese school teachers and trustees, also known as Dong Jiao Zong) at the Hainanese Association Building beside the Thean Hou Temple in Kuala Lumpur. It was joined by prominent politicians from Chinese-based parties such as the deputy president of Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) Lee Kim Sai, the leader of Democratic Action Party (DAP) Lim Kit Siang, as well as representatives from GERAKAN and other parties. The meeting resolved to call a three-day boycott in Chinese schools if the government did not settle the appointments issue. The boycott was called off at the eleventh hour to allow time for the government to resolve the issue, nevertheless 57 schools went ahead with the strike on the 15th of October, either because they did not receive the notice of postponement, or they disagreed with the decision.
Response by UMNO YouthEven though the boycott was officially postponed, the stage was set for a response from the Malays led by UMNO Youth. A mass rally of 10,000 was held at the TPCA Stadium on Jalan Raja Muda in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur on 17 October. UMNO politicians condemned MCA leaders (both UMNO and MCA are component parties of the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition) for their collusion with the Dong Jiao Zong and the opposition DAP. The UMNO protesters called for the resignations of MCA Deputy President and Labour Minister Lee Kim Sai that mirrored the call for the resignation of UMNO Education Minister Anwar Ibrahim by the Chinese protesters.[10] Najib Tun Razak, then chairman of the UMNO Youth wing, led the Malay rally in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur. During the rally, Najib was alleged to have threatened to soak a keris in Chinese blood, evoking fear of 13 May repeating within the Chinese community.Many Chinese businesses around the city was closed for a few days for fear of any potential attacks from the Malay ultra-nationalists.
Response by UMNO YouthEven though the boycott was officially postponed, the stage was set for a response from the Malays led by UMNO Youth. A mass rally of 10,000 was held at the TPCA Stadium on Jalan Raja Muda in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur on 17 October.UMNO politicians condemned MCA leaders (both UMNO and MCA are component parties of the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition) for their collusion with the Dong Jiao Zong and the opposition DAP. The UMNO protesters called for the resignations of MCA Deputy President and Labour Minister Lee Kim Sai that mirrored the call for the resignation of UMNO Education Minister Anwar Ibrahim by the Chinese protesters. Najib Tun Razak, then chairman of the UMNO Youth wing, led the Malay rally in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur. During the rally, Najib was alleged to have threatened to soak a keris in Chinese blood, evoking fear of 13 May repeating within the Chinese community. Many Chinese businesses around the city was closed for a few days for fear of any potential attacks from the Malay ultra-nationalists.
To make matters worse, a tinder box situation was created by an unrelated event on 18 October - the rampage of a Malay soldier who killed a Malay and injuring two other persons with an M16 rifle in the Chow Kit area, which straddles two large Chinese and Malay communities
Launch of Operation LalangOn 27 October 1987, Dr Mahathir together with the police launched an operation he said was necessary to defuse racial tension that had reached "dangerous proportions". He said that the country was facing an economic recession and high unemployment, and could not afford racial riots. The operation was codenamed lalang after a type of weed. According to Mahathir the decision for the operation was taken by the police, and that he, as the Minister of Home Affairs, had to go along with it. The Inspector General of Police Tan Sri Hanif Omar said the police operation was for the sake of national security, and had nothing to do with politics.
The proposed UMNO rally was given as one of the reasons by the Inspector General of Police for the 27 October crackdown under the Internal Security Act. It was argued that had the rally been held, it could have sparked off racial riots given the likely incendiary nature of the speeches of UMNO politicians. It has also been argued that the Prime Minister had to have a quid pro quo for cancelling the UMNO rally, therefore opposition leaders and civil libertarians were arrested in order to placate the disappointed would-be rally participants.
ArrestsThe Prime Minister gave the approval for the arrest of 106 people, later increased to 119, under the Internal Security Act.On 27 October 1987, 19 people were detained, which rose to 54 10pm the next day, and later the night, the tally grew to 63. By 20 November 1987, 106 had been arrested. Among the more prominent detainees were opposition leader and DAP Secretary-General Lim Kit Siang, DAP Deputy chairman Karpal Singh, MCA Vice-President and Perak Chief Chan Kit Chee, PAS Youth Chief Halim Arshat, UMNO MP for Pasir Mas Ibrahim Ali, and UMNO Youth Education chairman Mohamed Fahmi Ibrahim. Other prominent non-political detainees included Dong Jiao Zong (Chinese Education Associations) Chairman Lim Fong Seng, Publicity Chief of the Civil Rights Committee Kua Kia Soong, and WAO member Irene Xavier. The MCA deputy president Lee Kim Sai had apparently been warned and he left for Australia for a few months the day the arrests began.
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mentaliti macai ulat taik umno :
kalau dulu mahadey boleh hidu taik, apa salahnya najib makan taik?
hahahhahaha
dua2 pon sama, perompak.
yg umno takut sebab KuLi ada sekali, sebab KuLi takde apa2 masalah ngan pembangkang mahupon internal Umno sendiri. so betul la dia heading to the no1 chair.. ermm
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Author
Post time 12-10-2015 03:36 PM
